Author – Shogun Gaikwad

On 14th October 1956, Dr. Ambedkar accomplished what no one else could—perhaps the only comparable figure is the Buddha. He liberated those considered lesser than animals, stripped of their humanity and left destitute for 2,000 years. Exactly 68 years ago today, the world witnessed the largest mass conversion event in history, as millions of deemed untouchables embraced Buddhism under Dr. Ambedkar’s leadership. He is often reduced to being merely the architect of our Constitution, yet his act of conversion was a far more revolutionary step than that document, representing social and spiritual liberation rather than mere legal change.

We have come a long way since then, as there are generations who benefited from it. Today, as we look back and make an account of the progress that we’ve achieved, we cannot help but realize we’ve a long way to go to achieve that enlightened community that Dr. Ambedkar wanted us to be. We cannot wish away the reality, notwithstanding the progress, that our community remains fractured, vulnerable to external threats and weakened by internal conflicts. This disunity risks pushing Babasaheb’s caravan backward. An upwardly mobile segment has emerged due to education, but while identifying as Buddhist, they often dilute Dr. Ambedkar’s mission. Buddhism has been reduced to a cultural aesthetic. The purpose of conversion was to achieve autonomy and reject Hinduism, yet many now engage in reactionary practices, participating in Hindu festivals with their minds still attached to Hindu culture and upper caste validation, perpetuating an inferiority complex.

On the economic and occupational front, our educated class often shifts allegiance. While they may associate to a certain extent with Buddhism during festivals, in practice, they have willingly sold themselves to savarna bourgeois ideals. Indian feminism, a political project of Brahmin women, has been embraced by our women; Indian Marxism, a project of Brahmin men, by our men; and queer politics, a project of upwardly mobile savarnas, by our queer community, thereby abandoning their home ship by shifting their baggage, both ideologically and physically, to the savarna camps.

This has further fragmented the already disunited Ambedkarite movement, which had suffered from caste-based reactionary politics of Dalitism since decades, as well as from the power struggles among community leaders, and finally the regional divisions.

Dr. Ambedkar never intended for his movement to intersect with savarna-led initiatives. He prioritized his community over merging with the savarna-led freedom movement, the Communists, or Congress, by establishing his own Independent Labor Party and the Republican Party of India, respectively. He manifested his long awaited dream of converting to Buddhism, rejecting other religions. Yet today, we shamelessly dismantle his hard-labored fortress, brick by brick, with different factions taking pieces for their own agendas, inadvertently strengthening the savarna empire. Ambedkarism risks becoming a ruin, akin to the abandoned Buddhist sites, which fell due to the “wavering attitude of the laity,” as Babasaheb writes. If we continue on this path, Ambedkarism may surely meet a similar fate.

A huge risk arises from the influences of Feminism, Marxism, and neoliberalism. There is a troubling trend among our academic class to cherry-pick Babasaheb’s quotes, decontextualize them, and mischaracterize his ideas to support these ideologies. Instead of building on the Ambedkarite movement, many have focused on mainstream issues of

gender and sexuality, reflecting the influence of gender-exclusive feminism. Similarly, our people, formerly treated as slaves in Hinduism, now willingly act as foot soldiers for Marxism, which is being unnaturally integrated with Ambedkarism, thereby diluting both. The outcome is a “Bhelpurification” of politics. With regard to neoliberalism, a segment of our academic community aligns with savarnas, creating a tailor-made rationalization for capitalism and revering savarna billionaires under the guise of a “Dalit standpoint,” compromising their values for career advancement. There is an element of opportunism and ideological treachery in all of this.

From the outside, savarnas—modern-day Pushyamitra Shungas—are eager to dismantle this movement, relying on scheduled caste tokens to do their bidding. These individuals, who once attacked the movement with overt hostility, have now adopted subtler tactics by resorting to the same old methods of misappropriation that their ancestors used to destroy Buddhism, now presenting themselves as allies in our spaces. They argue that their adherence to Marxism, feminism, and queer activism aligns perfectly with Ambedkarism, despite Babasaheb’s clear rejection of creating separate movements and his critique of Marxism. When Ambedkarites resist this misinterpretation with Babasaheb’s actual writings, we are labeled fundamentalists or reductionists—an all-too-familiar gaslighting tactic. While educated Scheduled Castes may be willingly sold on these ideas, the poor masses often inadvertently fall prey to this well-crafted trap. Our goal must be to articulate this reality to those swayed by the savarna narrative, which weaponizes Babasaheb’s name and sensitive issues like reservations and Buddhism.

There is also the sophistic discourse of the movement itself, whether it is to be led—politically, socially, or culturally first—alongside the vituperative regionalist bigotry against Marathi Ambedkarites. While some true-blue Ambedkarites actively partake in Dhamma Deeksha, many Hindu Dalits, Dalit Christians, and Pasmandas superficially associate with Ambedkarism without genuinely following his path. Babasaheb was explicit that only those who undergo Dhamma Deeksha and abandon their previous religions are to be considered Buddhists, and if one isn’t a Buddhist, on what basis will one be considered Ambedkarite, as it was the backbone and conclusion of his philosophy? It is not an all-you-can-eat buffet; it is an entire package—take it entirely or leave it. His final message was for his people to sacrifice everything in order to establish Buddhism in India.

While it is encouraging to see the youth gather for Dhamma Chakka Pavattan Din celebrations as Babasaheb’s soldiers, it is equally disheartening to witness a lot of them return to their separate paths as foot soldiers in their respective savarna organizations afterward. It is crucial to emphasize that the time to rebuild our movement is now. We must begin anew by revisiting Babasaheb’s writings and speeches, interpreting his true message, and proselytizing it among the youth. Additionally, we need to find ways to address the issues that arose post-conversion. The most important step is to work toward achieving this goal with humility and an open mind. If we are to truly advance Babasaheb’s caravan, we must introspect sincerely, acknowledge our mistakes, and course-correct before it is too late.

Bio: Shogun Gaikwad is an Ambedkarite from Thane who writes on socio-political issues with an emphasis on Ambedkarism.