[The following article was written in 2007 and published in Insight Young Voices magazine, vol. 1 no. 1, Feb-Mar, 2008. – editor]

Even after 75 years, the Poona Pact remains the biggest obstacle for the emergence of an autonomous and strong Dalit political leadership.

“Whatever is wrongly settled is never settled and must be resettled.” – Dr. B. R Ambedkar

Authors – Cynthia Stephen and Rajendran Prabhakar

The 24th of September, 2007 marked the 75th Anniversary of the Poona Pact, arrived at between representatives of the caste-hindu political establishment and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar as the representative of the subaltern classes, after bitter wrangling on the core issue of representation of the large section of the population known across the nation as the ‘untouchables’.

The Poona Pact was, essentially, a compromise between the demands by Babasaheb Ambedkar for a separate electorate for the untouchables and the counter-offer of a certain number of reserved electoral constituencies for the untouchables, based on their proportion to the population.

Dr. Ambedkar raised the issue of separate electorates for the untouchables in the late 1920s. It was an audacious step of asserting, for the first time ever, the claim of the untouchables to full citizenship rights in modern-day Indian society. He saw separate electorates for the untouchables as the first and best method to promote the identity and leadership of the Dalits, their participation, and representation.

Contrasted with Babasaheb Ambedkar’s project to empower the marginalised was Gandhi’s project which basically sought to free and preserve the ‘Hindu’ way of life from colonial influence so that the position of the caste-Hindus in society would be enhanced and perpetuated. It was a far cry from the vision of Dr. Ambedkar. A wily lawyer that he was, Gandhi recognised that preserving the caste hierarchy was even more critical than gaining ‘independence’ from British colonial rule and hence he bargained harder than ever, even putting his life on the line through a fast unto death, to block Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of the empowerment of the untouchables.

In the Round Table Conferences (1930-31) held in London, Gandhi and his group strongly opposed separate representation in the form of reserved seats for the untouchables. Gandhi held that the untouchables needed social and religious acceptance, and not special legal or political rights. But Babasaheb was convinced that the untouchables required a separate identity and a share in power. The two leaders met just before the Second Conference in 1931, but the meeting ended in an open confrontation. Dr. Ambedkar emphasising the need for political power for the untouchables, and Gandhi insisting upon only protective measures against social and religious persecution. The Conference ended with the then British Prime Minister Ramsey McDonald being given the responsibility to come up with a compromise.

On 17th August 1932, the British Premier announced the Communal Award according to which the Depressed Classes were granted separate seats in the Provincial Assemblies and the right of the double vote under which they were to elect their own representatives and to vote also in the general constituencies. This arrangement was to be for twenty years. McDonald wrote separately to Gandhi, clarifying that the provision of reserved seats was not preferred, as it was unlikely to throw up genuine representatives of the depressed classes, since they would actually be elected by a majority of the ‘higher’-caste voters.

Read also – [Transcript] Dr. Ambedkar Speaks on M.K. Gandhi and Poona Pact (BBC Radio),1955

Original art by Siddhesh Gautam, edited with quote by Velivada team

This balanced and nuanced proposal was totally rejected by Gandhi. Citing religious reasons, on September 20th, 1932, he undertook a fast unto death in protest, even threatening to commit self-immolation. Isolated, but firmly committed to his just cause, Dr. Ambedkar remained unyielding to what he termed “moral blackmail”.

On the eve of Gandhi’s fast, Ambedkar issued a long statement clarifying his position and requesting Gandhi to reconsider his decision to self-immolate. He stated that if separate electorates for the minorities would not split the nation, there was no reason why the same for the depressed classes would do so. Given a choice between the Hindu faith and political power, the depressed classes would choose the latter. For despite attempts by many Mahatmas to reform society from within and remove untouchability, nothing had changed. “Mahatmas have come and gone, but the Untouchables have remained Untouchables”, he said.

However, Dr. Ambedkar had to relent from his position due to Gandhi’s fast-unto-death. Some politicians, followers of Gandhi, arranged a one-to-one discussion between him and Gandhi. The result was the Poona Pact. While Gandhi accepted reserved seats, Dr. Ambedkar acceded to a joint electorate. Dr. Ambedkar secured 148 seats in a house of 780, and 10% of the seats in the Central Assembly. While Dr. Ambedkar insisted on a referendum after 25 years, the critically ill and fasting Gandhi responded, “Five years or my life”.

The Poona Pact was signed by Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the principal signatory on behalf of the caste-Hindus and Babasaheb Ambedkar on behalf of the depressed classes on 24th September 1932. The essence of the Poona Pact was that the separate electorates granted by the ‘Communal Award’ were withdrawn and the method of joint electorates was introduced with the principle of reservation of certain seats exclusively to the members of the Depressed Classes.

While the Poona Pact gave the Dalits some reserved seats, it deprived them of the opportunity to choose their own leaders, something that separate electorates would have provided. This in effect meant that the Dalit candidates would always have to depend for their election on the non-Dalits, as nowhere did the Dalits comprise more than 25-30% of the population. The result of such an arrangement was that the emergence of an independent Dalit leadership was totally hampered. This was seen as a defeat by even Dr. Ambedkar, and this sense of betrayal persists in the Dalits to this day. On the other hand, the acrimony of the debate has left a bitter aftertaste in the minds of the so-called ‘upper’ castes.

Read also – Denunciation of Poona Pact By Dr Ambedkar That You Haven’t Read

Even as he signed the Poona Pact in 1932, Ambedkar knew its fatal flaw and anticipated the outcome. Hence, in 1949, after independence and even as the Constitution was being drafted, he came up with a new idea – that of the separate electorate and a separate settlement for Dalits. He perhaps anticipated also that the compromise in the Constitution – that of reservations for a certain period – actually constituted a poisoned apple for the Dalits. Universal adult franchise and the emphasis in the Constitution of the de jure full and equal citizenship for all including the erstwhile untouchable slaves, far from ensuring the empowerment of the people, would de facto actually empower the political elites.

The implementation of the Constitution would, in their hands, be less than ideal.

The present situation is a vindication of Babasaheb’s fears. The past 60 years of independent India has clearly shown that under the present electoral system, the political interests of the Dalits, Adivasis, and minorities do not get represented in the Parliament. 75 years after the Poona Pact, Dalits continue to face formidable challenges and the situation has actually deteriorated in absolute terms, despite some advances among certain sections of the untouchables. The political representation of the community continues to languish, and few, if any, tall leaders and statespersons have emerged. Some advancements is visible in the fortunes of certain political parties in parts of the country, such as the BSP, which is certainly due to the hard work at the ground level and the support of the common people but also the forging of very pragmatic, calculated equations by the leadership which is in the hands of Dalits. But overall, there is a widespread feeling of unease that the Poona Pact has failed to deliver on its promises. The very progressive provisions of the Constitution exist but are not implemented in letter and spirit. In fact, there are increasing indications that the political will and commitment to implement these provisions are lacking – what is actually being practiced behind the Constitution are the laws of Manu and the colonial masters. Hence, there is a need to evaluate the impact of the Poona Pact on the untouchable community, and, if necessary, push for a renegotiation of its terms.

The pressure of the Dalits to achieve their dream of full human freedom, incorporating liberty, equality, and fraternity, is now reaching the bursting point, just as a seed bursts its shell as it germinates. We need to discuss the relevance of the separate electoral system at this juncture in history and generate a national debate on the proportional system of representation, incorporating the full rights to human, civil, social, cultural, political, and economic rights of the subalterns and especially the Dalits.

About authors – Cynthia Stephen is an activist and researcher and Rajendran Prabhakar is a development professional.