In the contemporary period, we see that there were very few informed Ambedkar age who are coming in the forefront and challenging the social, economic, cultural, political, educational systems who ask for the fundamental rights, fighting against the inequality and injustice and looking towards Liberation.

On this awaiting 14 April 2020, a great social scientist and renowned thinker Dr. B. R. Ambedkar 129TH Birth Anniversary and the best way to remember him is to discuss his ideas and also examine his followers through those ideas.

“The battle to me is a matter of joy.

The battle is in the fullest sense spiritual.

There is nothing material or social in it.

For our is a battle not for wealth or power.

It is a battle for freedom. It is the battle of reclamation of human personality”

-Dr. B.R.Ambedkar.

Once upon a time, my beloved asked me, “What is meant by Ambedkar?” “Ambedkar means ‘Revolution’, I replied within a second. And the exact same question I asked to him and he replied that Ambedkar is a Thought.” But Ambedkar isn’t limited with ‘Revolution’ or ‘Thought’ only. He is beyond that.  We couldn’t think in unison that Ambedkar is a ‘Revolutionary Thought’ because we both are a different person with a different perception, position and perspective. We couldn’t even understand or realise that day if we both compiled our different perspectives and came together with a healthy mind and kept aside our bias, then maybe we pursue the truth that Ambedkar is a “Revolutionary Thought” which changes with time. but stands for reclamation of human personality and freedom for all human beings irrespective of their caste, class, gender, religion, and other forms of identities and that is the totality of humanity.

In our country India, caste and patriarchy are the biggest viruses. We have been struggling since so long against those viruses, but we fail to invent the proper vaccination which can wipe out it completely. Because of caste and patriarchal nature of society, marginalised people are isolated and excluded and facing discrimination and violence since decades. The history of violence and exclusion in India is the dark chapter of history which is still happening and relevant in some parts of the country. After independence also the condition of marginalised people in some areas remains the same. But exclusive and tremendous work of modern social thinkers like Jyotiba, Ambedkar could make people realise some sort of progress. The bitter truth is Caste and patriarchy still exist in India, the only difference is that the forms and patterns are changed but the brutality and cruel genocide with marginalised and vulnerable is still continued and the existing system doesn’t care about it.

Ambedkar

In the 19th century, some radical and revolutionary modern social thinkers and social reformers came to the forefront and they tried so hard to change the picture. This is the time when some revolutionary voices were raised when, the anti-caste and feminist and widely the Dalit women’s self-respect movement are underway in India. The voice of equality of women was raised by many social thinkers, reformers, activists like Jyotiba Phule, Savitribai Phule, Mukta Salve, Shahu Maharaj, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy, etc. who fought for women’s rights like the right of education and right of social-economic-political equality in the society and fought to abolish the caste and patriarchal structure and its root causes.

Today if we are alive and breathing freely it is all because of these social reformers, especially Ambedkar. A man who belonged to the oppressed community and still dared to fight against the dominant varna system and control groups on an individual level and fought for education not for himself but for all depressed masses and sacrificed his whole life for the community and upcoming generation.

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, called himself ‘Indian firstly and lastly’. Ambedkar, also known as Babasaheb, an architect of Indian constitution, an Indian jurist, economist, politician and social reformer who inspired the oppressed  Buddhist movement and campaigned against social discrimination with untouchables or depressed masses. He sacrificed his whole life for the upliftment of the community.

The altruistic work of Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar for the depressed society inspired Damu to honour him by calling ‘Babasaheb’ on his birthday. After that everyone started calling him    ‘Babasaheb’ which became popular amongst his followers. Then, Indian people started respectfully addressing him Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar from September-October 1927 and considered him a “The great reformer.” Today not only India but the whole world also calls him Babasaheb which means beloved “Father”. It is the highest honour to be called a father, which means the one who gives you birth, by a larger population. Ambedkar is the one who dedicated his life for the upliftment of several vulnerable people. But do we really know ‘the Babasaheb’? Do we really act like ‘a Ambedkarite?’

Today, people around us in the society claim to know Ambedkar. But does it mean that knowing Ambedkar is understanding and internalising his thoughts? I see that people know Ambedkar through the books, written by Savarna Brahmins, liberal authors and Marxist writers. Some people know about him from their teachers, friends, or they heard or read very few things somewhere. Some people know him little because they want to only criticize Ambedkar and the movement. Actually people follow Ambedkar as per their perceptions and very few people who try to understand what exactly Ambedkar means. More people have the bookish knowledge about Ambedkar which is equally important, but do you feel that reading Ambedkar means you know Ambedkar completely? Not at all. Knowing Ambedkar through his books but not inculcating his thoughts in action is meaningless. The best way to know Ambedkar is not only by reading his books but also deeply and critically understanding, analysing and reflecting upon his egalitarian thought. We need to walk the path which Ambedkar showed us. Reading Ambedkar is easy but understanding and following the path shown by him is difficult and many of us fail to follow the footsteps of Ambedkar.

There are varieties of people who claim themselves as an Amedkarite, some are bhakts, some are emotional followers, and some worship him as a god. But they fail to understand that Ambedkar isn’t a spiritual or supernatural imaginary entity. He is a human being like all of us, who found the purpose of his existence and he worked for all sections of society including women. He considered the caste system a root cause of discrimination, inequality, exclusion, injustice, oppression and violence in the society. So, he wanted to annihilate all the evils from society through the anti-caste movement.

Let me tell you about Ambedkar’s movement. In the beginning, Ambedkar had strongly emphasised that his fight was an agitation against the Brahmanical beliefs that treaded one class of people higher over the other simply by virtue of one’s birth. The brahmins not only created caste-based differences but also resolved to the belief that the upper-lower castes are birth based and can never be changed, wrote Ambedkar in a Bahishkrut  Bharat editorial(1 July 1927). Ambedkar led the ceremonial burning of the Manusmriti – a second- century text that he referred to the ‘book of philosophy of the Brahminism’ that prescribed the worst forms of injunction against untouchables.

There were people at that time who were coming from diverse background like Brahmin comrade, impressive Brahmin, upper-caste individuals, non-dalit comrades. Yogiraj Bagul and his efforts to bring out these stories intend to recognize the voices of Ambedkarites who are not so well known in anti-caste groups as well as orthodox caste circles. There were some people at the time of Babasaheb who were coming from the privileged background but working with him like Shasrabuddhe, Maharaja Gaikwad and there were many more some from chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhu caste (CKPs), Bhandari caste and other ‘uppercaste’ individuals also notably participated in Ambedkar’s movement.

Ambedkar was with Brahmins from an early period in his life, despite the bitter experiences he had. But he never revenged because he stood for change which came from his revolutionary actions. Ambedkar’s early influences were his teachers, who taught him directly and indirectly. One of them was his schoolteacher, Krishna Arjun Keluskar who did not formally teach him, but he noticed the potential of young Ambedkar, who was a regular visitor to the garden in south Mumbai, keeping up with his reading habits. Ambedkar was gifted a book written by Keluskar, on the Life of Gautama Buddha, as a gift on passing matriculation. Keluskar also recommended to the Maharaja of Baroda, Sayajirao Gaikwad, to assist in Ambedkar for further education. To substantiate his plea, Keluskar was able to get recommendations from sir Narayan Chanvarkar so that Ambedkar could pursue his BA at Elphinstone College, Mumbai. During his civil rights activities, Ambedkar gained as many friends among dominant-caste Hindus. In abroad education, he was introduced to Dewey and Tufts’s philosophy on normative approach to morality and ethics as a morally defined position in the framework of customary action. After returning to India from America, Ambedkar had to face adverse ignorance and exclusionary treatment through his co-professor where he was worked. So he denied the post because of this untouchability and chose instead to dedicate himself to a life of service to his people as he did not want to take up any job in future that would hinder his social work.

Ambedkar’s strategy involved progressive Brahmins who were interested in upliftment untouchables. Thus, the first organisation was established by Ambedkar, Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha had Brahmin members of noted distinction. Ambedkar tells to abolish caste “we have to do intercaste marriage, intercaste dinner along with education”. In the inter-caste dinning initiative, Ambedkar’s non-Dalit colleagues excitedly took the lead in throwing grand dinner parties at their respective homes. Inter-caste dinning efforts- twenty two participants, people from diverse castes such as CKPs, Mahar, Chambhar, Bhandaris, Matang, Malis, Marathas, Shimpis, Govardhan Brahmins, Andhrpradeshiya Brahmin and Vankar-Meghwals were reported.

I felt that we became born twice in one birth because of Ambedkar. He encouraged us to be graduates. He inspired us to go into academics. He helped us to get prestigious jobs. He. He empowered us to obtain wealth and power. He demonstrated to the whole world that we had the ability to reach the highest position; that we could even be ministers. He strived hard and brought comfort to our doorstep.

Ambedkarite

Ambedkarites are the followers of the Philosophy, new phenomena and standpoint of B.R. Ambedkar. The philosophy which stands for equality, liberty, fraternity and justice and shows the path of enlightenment and reclamation of human personhood.

There were people who made Ambedkar a god and did Ambedkar Godism obviously, since he made all this possible. He is even better than it but we need to realise in the very moment that he rejected the idea of spiritual god and the superiority of it.  For us, he is beyond the materialistic world because of him that the age-old suffering of millions of people could be wiped out within fifty years.

The story of Ambedkar growing up in poverty and studying under street lights is always recounted to students in oppressed households. He influenced the students to take higher education and acts like an educated person. Alongside the Ambedkar legends, we also have Ramabai Ambedkar, his wife, and Savitri Phule, the first female teacher and spouse of Jotirao Phule, the founding father of the modern social revolution and anti-caste and feminist revolutionary in India. The female icons have varying characteristics, some demand valour, while some epitomize strong motherhood, some ask to rebel against patriarchal culture while some ask to be loyal wives.

There were some people who are Ambekarite Buddhist. Buddhism is an educational framework to transform society. Education is the most revolutionary and the most non-violent for transforming. And here Ambedkar evolved and pursued Buddha who is a social revolutionary. The egalitarian thought and a new phenomenon which challenged the intellectual Brahmins to fight intellectually how much you can deal with the egalitarian way.

Some look at the Buddha as a person most often remembered in the meditation pose guiding people towards the liberation of the self from the ultimate form of suffering. While some take the Buddha to be a social reformer who appropriates the reason against Brahminic Karmic faith of birth-based purity. This argument was put forward by Ambedkar in his magnum opus The Buddha and his Dhamma wherein he argues for a walking Buddha, a Buddha in action who works in the community and is not confined to asceticism or isolated from the world. For Ambedkar, the suffering of the world for the Buddha meant that he needed to go to people and teach them about the basic causes of suffering, That’s why Ambedkar sees Buddha’s Sangha a far superior motif than the communist parlance. Some are staunch in their belief in the rebirth and karma theory, while others rebuff this as another form of superstitions in Buddhism. Whatever the differences may be, spiritually diverse oppressed are united in their resolve to abide by the trust they put in Ambedkar and his guidance of accepting Buddha’s teachings.

Ambedkarite Buddhists predominantly belong to dominant Dalit castes. Due to the radical awareness and proximity to dissent, they adopt an identity congenial to protest movements. Their approach to Buddhism stems from an aversion to Hinduism. Whatever practices are seen in the Hindu order are deliberately rejected by Ambedkarite Buddhists. As a consequence, ritual- checking Dalit Buddhists become the butt of jokes and contempt. Ambedkarite Buddhists tend to find their legitimacy in Ambedkar’s version of Buddhism. The Buddha and His Dhamma is a guiding doctrine for them. Superstitious practices are not welcomed in their circles.

If you really know and understand the meaning “being an ambedkarite” then you can adapt the framework of Buddha, dhamma, sangha. We Navyana Ambedkrite Buddhist refused to call it religion. It’s a framework and it’s open for all but its most difficult framework which makes you a rational human being and remembers rationality is fundamental as an ambedkarite.

Being an Ambedkarite you must follow the path which Ambedkar has shown. You no need to follow blindly his path but to deeply find the meaning, seeking the truth and when you get all answers of your question then you can become the follower of Babasaheb. And to become a follower of Babasaheb it doesn’t mean that your responsibility is done. you need to impart knowledge and thoughts to others. You need to take your all actions very carefully that you never do injustice to others you never hurt, violate and their rights. Being ambedkarite means being Navayana Buddhist too and for that, you need to understand critically the discourse of the Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha framework. That’s the reason I said being an ambedkarite is a very difficult task. You need to very deeply feel, understand, engage, follow, evolve, improve and reflect.

If you follow Ambedkar then you need to know the philosophy of Buddhism, not through his quotes but through the Tripitaka, through the text on him where he tells about the framework of material reality. Ambedkar also had written an ontological and epistemological text on Buddha and his dhamma. Buddha tells about the eightfold path and tells about the fundamental things which are Love, compassion, joy and equanimity. Ambedkar 22 vows in the actual contextualisation on Buddhism which need to follow and must follow. But being an ambedkarite the scheduled class has accepted the Buddha and follows his path but the upper caste and the progressive dominant privileged caste and class never adapt Buddhism instead of their Hindu gods. They liked the Buddha quotes for posts, stating and tagging on social media but they do not challenge the Varna and Hindu culture and they never see deeply the new way of thinking. Because for Ambedkarite Buddhist is not the rigid idea of religion which is based on superiority and inferiority it’s the Navayana Buddhism which came after 1956 which is based on rationality and equal liberal thoughts.

Ambedkar against casteism and patriarchy: Revisiting the debate of anti-caste and feminist standpoint

In “Castes In India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development”, a research paper in which Ambedkar seeks to establish caste as a product of sustained endogamy, was written in 1916 at Columbia University for the anthropology seminar of Dr AA Goldenweiser and eventually published in the Indian Antiquary in 1917. In this essay, Ambedkar critiques the essentialization of caste and seeks to establish its knowability – as a theoretical and practical problem. Specifically, he seeks to understand intermarriage restrictions, social relations, and the re-rooting of caste structure in new spaces.

While primarily concerned with how caste was developed, Ambedkar’s discussion of endogamy also defines an important shift in social relations. Endogamy effectively superimposed the existing practice of exogamy that he maintains was the elemental law of primitive societies, including those in the subcontinent. How did this superimposition actually occur, and how was the marriage circle formed? Practically speaking, it was an issue of parity between marriageable units, men and women, or how to maintain it. The surplus woman is “disposed of” in one of two ways. When sati – burning a woman on her husband’s pyre – was not possible, enforced and degraded widowhood was pressed into service. Of course, “male superiority among groups” did not allow a surplus man, or a widower, to be subject to the same treatment. Because losing a man was losing labour and depleting group numbers, the problem was resolved by marrying him to someone from a not-yet marriageable group, a moral fence scaled by institutionalising girl child marriage. It is precisely for this reason that Ambedkar’s view of caste was entrenched in endogamy, which by its prohibition on intermarriage provided the basic framework for the development of the caste structure.

Regarding endogamy’s outcome, Ambedkar maintains that scholars have spent more time charting how Sati, child marriage, and enforced widowhood accrued social value than investigating their origins. Here, he is no doubt highlighting a double manoeuver by which Brahmanical ideology both preserved and eulogised the very practices that degraded women. In Ambedkar’s formulation, three operations central to the origin and development of caste come to light: intra-group organisation of reproduction, violent control of surplus woman’s sexuality, and legitimating control practices through ideology.

Promising to explain the exact process at a later date, Ambedkar maintains that caste is an enclosed class, and that Brahmans were the first class to raise the walls of endogamy, a custom that non-Brahmins certainly emulated, though not strictly. Firstly, the surplus man and the surplus woman received differential treatment, or as Ambedkar puts it, “man – as a maker of injunctions is most often above them all”. Secondly, because gendered violence became common and naturalised, castes were regarded as born not made, thus making them automatically exclusionary. By this, Sati, and enforced and degraded widowhood became the chief means to disposing of surplus – practices that castes closest to Brahmans replicated variously, resulting in male superiority in all castes across the hierarchy. It is for this reason that Ambedkar saw caste’s exclusionary violence and subjugation of women inherent in the very processes that lead to caste formation.

“The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Woman”, published in the journal Maha Bodhi in 1951, was Ambedkar’s response to an article published in the magazine Eve’s Weekly that blamed the Buddha for the fall of women from the “golden position”. Perhaps alluding to the nationalist myth of the Vedic woman, Ambedkar claims to see a pattern in such indictment and urges an examination of the roots of the repeated charge against the Buddha.

Dr. Ambedkar written in Revolution and counter-Revolution in Ancient India that “History of India is nothing but the battle between Buddhism and Brahmanism”

The text lists three oft-repeated accusations against the Buddha with regard to women. Firstly, the Buddha forbade all interaction with women. This refers to a dialogue between Buddha and Ananda in Chapter V of the Mahaparinibbana Sutta. Secondly and thirdly, Buddha opposed women’s demands to take Parivraja (ordination) and when he did permit the same he also subordinated the Bhikkhuni Sangha (community of women disciples) to the Bhikkhu Sangha (community of male disciples). The text attempts a rational rebuttal of these allegations against the Buddha by analysing how codification distorts oral traditions. Ambedkar presents textual evidence that contradicts the charges, and makes historical comparisons between the Buddha’s position on women and women’s positions before and after the rise of Buddhism. The last section of the essay, which borrows heavily from his earlier, then unpublished text, “Women and Counter-Revolution/ Riddle of Women”, compares the rights of women in the pre-Manu and Manu eras, and emphasises the latter as the period that initiates the subordination of women.

Ambedkar contends that Manu’s rulings were a reaction to the freedom women enjoyed in the Buddhist period. Manu’s design of ideal womanhood, which was based on exalting the husband, or the pativrata ideology, reinforced the gendered contours of the Brahmanic counter-revolution. Prior to Manu, this ideal had been only a theory of the Brahmans. Manu, claims Ambedkar, made the ideal and the related practices – such as denying funerals to women joining heretic sects and those born of mixed unions – state law. In conclusion, Ambedkar’s views Manu’s turning of what were specifically Brahmanical ideals for women into state law in terms of a defence mechanism. Manu’s laws should be read as a preemptive response to the potential threat to Brahmanical religion – if women and Shudras turned to Buddhism for succour.

More recently, feminist historians such as Kumkum Roy have drawn attention to the resurgence of the Vedic woman in writings concerning gender relations in early India. These writings by feminist historians call for further feminist engagement on the many constructions and reconstructions of the myth of the Vedic period as a golden age for women. Ambedkar’s history of revolution and counter-revolution in “The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Woman”, which sets the nationalist construction of the “Golden Vedic Age” theory on its head, justifiably should be regarded as one of the proto-feminist approaches to writings on ancient India.

Indeed, in the past decade, in the aftermath of the implementation of the recommendations of the Mandal Commission and the assertion of Dalit feminism, feminist scholarship has sought to unravel the “truth” of Brahmanical patriarchy and therefore taken Manu to task by exploring the possibilities Buddhism offered to women. A feminist reclamation of “The Rise and Fall of the Hindu Woman” would lead to a fruitful discussion between Ambedkar’s Buddha and contemporary feminist positions on the question of whether Buddhism provides a viable alternative to Brahmanical patriarchy.

The relevance of Knowing the Ambedkar and being an Ambedkarite

Only remembering Ambedkar on his birth anniversary isn’t sufficient because he is the man who brought revolution and his contribution in the reformation of the Indian society is vast.

So, we need to pay him tribute not only by remembering him daily but also by imbibing his thoughts which should reflect on a daily basis in our revolutionary actions. Nowadays, social media is a great platform to express views and access the information, but the correct use of this platform depends on the individual’s thought process. Some people who are active on social media are mostly engaged in changing their profiles, copying and forwarding content of others without even critically analysing the facts. Following the trends of these social media platforms without understanding its potential to disseminate the thinking and ideas to the large group is disheartening. Remembering Ambedkar by sharing his pictures on social media is equally important along with awakening larger masses about his work for establishing equality, liberty and fraternity in the society. It would be appropriate to use these platforms to evolve social activism. Some people are actually spreading his great thoughts and ideas through this platforms and I call them ‘fourth wave of feminist’. I look at this platform as a platform of activism. Where people can use the internet as a tool for raising their voice against violence and discrimination on the basis of caste, sexual identities, religion or any other identity. Ambedkar wanted people to participate in all forms of journalism and be informed, participate in debate and discussion and create something new as newness and change is fundamental.

There are some progressive Hindu Brahmins, who call themselves as nationalist only to be popular on the forefront. Some so-called progressive Savarna men and women claim that they understand Ambedkar and its movement but they don’t want to work among the Bahujan.

There are some dominant OBCs who try very hard to show themselves as Ambedkarite but fail to internalise Ambedkar thoughts. They are influenced by the progressive Brahmins and imitate their act. In front of Savarnas these people are afraid to express their views but when they are in dialogue with depressed class or mass, they act superior. This behaviour of dominating the depressed class has been the same as Brahmins ideology. Through this article, I would like to challenge them to hang the picture of Babasaheb on the walls of the drawing room in their houses. It doesn’t mean that hanging the picture of Ambedkar defines someone his true follower but it’s the way of assertion as it needs courage to refuse worshipping their Hindu gods and keeping a picture of Ambedkar in their houses. I often see people liking the quotes and assume that they know about Buddha’s teaching but they don’t dare to put a Buddha image inside their houses. Again it’s not worshiping but it’s the thanksgiving and remembrance so that they can critically think and decline the varna system and try for the cultural and social revolution.

Today very few people around us are actually following footprints of Ambedkar and acquiring good positions in all domains and academics. This makes Savarna Brahmin and rigid OBCs feel insecure, so they blame and claim them as revolutionary Dalit, elite Dalit and questions their ideology, identity, merit and what not. Actually they have so much hatred, jealousy, ignorance and many disagreements and their subconscious mind does not allow them to appreciate people of the depressed class who achieve higher position. Their so-called progressive mind gets hurt and feels inferior. True Ambedkarites don’t have the conflict with such people and still love them because they know that the power of love can only resolve all this hatred, jealousy.

In my bachelor days during the spring there was a competition which was named one-act play on Varna system named ‘Mooknayak’. One of the professors in my college took objection to using the word ‘Brahmin’. According to him, it is prohibited to use this word in educational and public places. That day I strongly expressed my stand in front of him and proved that how the same word using in the primary textbook where students have the chapter about Varna system and these text glorify the Varna but was strongly criticized on Varna structure and used the same word in my play and won because there was no alternative word for it. Still, I didn’t find it. Actually he didn’t have the problem with the word but the whole play where I criticized the so-called Varna system and it was difficult for him to digest. Actually, calling Brahmin because there was no alternative for that word but I don’t understand why Brahmins called the word ‘untouchable or Harijan’ then which is derogatory and insulting and legally prohibited to utter. Also, there were alternatives for these words like depressed class, Navyanan Buddhist.

Hence, if you really know Ambedkar then you always deeply and critically analyse the truth and reality along with this when you internalise Ambedkar within you then only you can able to become informed Ambedkarite.

According to me, Ambedkar is the revolution and remember revolution is fundamental in the history of consequences. My foremothers and forefathers had radical revolutionary histories. I realised today that I was right that day when I replied, ‘Ambedkar is a revolution.’ Unfortunately, my fellow partner ancestors proved their existence on the basis of only counter-revolution and that’s why he doesn’t believe in revolution and said that ‘Ambedkar is a Thought’, because our epistemic realities and lived experiences are different as per individual and person to person. But I respect him and my reality too. The anti-caste and feminist standpoint is looking for the epistemic realities of truth and knowledge for me, it’s a new phenomenon which is contemporary and its relevance that originates the new discourse. As per me, this newness, a new thought becomes possible because there is something revolutionary in history but the new thinking can be a critique to the revolution itself.

Here’s a poem on Babasaheb, which I attempted while summarising this piece of thought, actually I intend and want to reflect a lot which I can’t even bring out in words because his work not limited its infinite still I tried to conclude:

Babasaheb Ambedkar

Dr. Ambedkar is a ‘Revolutionary Thought’.

He is the knowledge, he is the truth…

He made us untouchable to touchable.

Actually Not the Brahmin only takes twice birth, we too.

Not from any supernatural or irrational elements, but from the man who is far greater than the maker of the universe.

I don’t believe in rebirth but I believe that man-

Who gave us life, in a this birth

Then he made us Human beings.

The first need of human beings is education.

He made it possible for us to get education

He makes us conscious about our oppression and fundamental rights too

He inspired us in his message of “Educate, Organise and Agitate.”

Again he introduced us Equality Justice, Liberty and fraternity.

He broke the chain of our mental slavery and liberated our mind

Later he challenged the system and pursued the new thinking

And made us also the truth seeker,

That day we unfriend the irrationality and living in world of science and more rational

Then we only finding the reality and make our position with great framework of Buddha, Dhmma, Sangha

And cultivate our mind; thoughtfully it’s the process of freedom of mind.

He did everything for all human beings irrespective of their any identities.

He transformed us completely

In one hand he picked up the constitution and tells us that this is that which protect you,

And other hand he pointed in forefront and showing us the path of enlightenment.

We called him beloved Babasaheb and saying, proudly ‘Jai Bhim’

And that is the totality of reality as knowing the Ambedkar and being an ambedkarite.

Remember, Revolution emerged by Ambedkar, and still evolving by true Ambedkarite

So-called Savarna only counter on it

-Shivani

Bibliography:

Ambedkar, B. (1979). Caste in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s writings and speeches (Vol.1)
Ambedkar, B. (1936).  Annihilation of caste. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s writings and speeches

Author – Shivani Waldekar
Ambedkarite free radical,
Anti-caste and feminist writer, M.A. Sociology (2018), M.A. Social Work in Livelihood and Social Entrepreneurship (2020), Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS)
Dated: 11th April 2020